Here's
Why It Took So Long
Two years
ago, as Americans were locked in a bitter dispute over the presidential
election, Deb Haaland stuffed her suitcase full of green chiles
and flew from her home state of New Mexico to North Dakota to
join a different fight.
Thousands of American
Indians from tribes across the U.S. had descended on the windswept
plains to resist the federal government's incursion into native
lands vianaturallyan oil project. The monthslong protest
was unprecedented. Authorities maintained that the Dakota Access
Pipeline, which would carry approximately 500,000 barrels of crude
a day to Illinois, would create thousands of jobs and revitalize
the local economy. But Native American communities and environmental
activists objected to the pipeline's route, which bisected the ancient
tribal lands of the Standing Rock Sioux and tunneled underneath
the Missouri River, the tribe's primary water source. The Sioux
feared the pipeline would threaten the reservation's water supply
should it ever break.
Haaland, a citizen of
the Laguna Pueblo, a Native American community in New Mexico, and
chairwoman of the state Democratic Party, spent four days at the
sprawling camp outside the town of Cannon Ball. She called tribal
leaders to rally support for the cause. She talked with the people
at the camp, who'd traveled across the country to stand up for American
Indian rights. One night, she opened her suitcase stash and cooked
a big green chile stew over the fire so the protesters could taste
a traditional pueblo meal. The protest, she says, touched a nerve
for American Indian communities. "It caused a lot of folks to say,
'You know what? People need to listen to Native Americans.'"
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An
estimated 10,000 people, both indigenous and non-native, occupied
Cannon Ball, North Dakota, to fight the Dakota Access Pipeline,
which bisected ancient tribal lands and tunneled underneath
the Missouri River.
MICHAEL NIGRO/PACIFIC PRESS/LIGHTROCKETGETTY
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Even though President
Donald Trump authorized the pipeline's construction in 2017 and
it began ferrying oil a few months later, Haaland wasn't finished.
The protests gave Native Americans a taste of the power of advocacy.
If people heard more American Indian voices, maybe the community
wouldn't have to fight for something as vital as clean water. "People
went there and saw this coming together of all these tribes in this
inspirational atmosphere, and it created a sense of entitlement,
that it's our time to do something," says Mark Trahant, the editor
of Indian Country Today.
Haaland returned to New
Mexico determined to keep fighting and, like dozens of native women
across the country, decided to run for public office. On Tuesday,
she made history, becoming one of the first Native American women
elected to Congress, along with Sharice Davids in Kansas (a member
of the Ho-Chunk Nation and a Democrat). In an election that produced
a number of notable firstsMuslim congresswomen, the youngest
woman ever elected to Congress, the country's first openly gay governorthese
victories arguably represent some of the most significant. "It's
clear that Americans want representation," Haaland says, the day
after her win, of the diverse slate of candidates elected. "I think
it could be a turning point for this country."
It's been a long time
coming. Though Native Americans are nearly 2 percent of the population,
they account for just 0.03 percent of elected officials. The federal
government's stained history with indigenous peoplegenocide,
forced assimilation, systemic discriminationplayed a decisive
role in keeping the community from office. That unrelenting oppression
isn't a relic of the distant past; it reverberates across reservations
today. In October, the Supreme Court upheld a North Dakota law that
requires voters to provide ID that includes a residential address,
which Native Americans say unfairly targets them because reservations
often don't use street addresses; post office boxes are common.
It has led to a profound distrust of the federal government among
native people, many of whom have turned inward in an effort to preserve
and strengthen what they have left.
But the collective power
of Standing Rock, along with opposition to Trump and a growing tribal
political network, converged to bring more native women into politics
than ever before. In total, more than 50 ran for Congress, state
legislatures and statewide offices this yearthe largest movement
of its kind in American history. In her bid for New Mexico's 1st
Congressional District, Haaland made her identity a focus of her
campaign, heralding herself a "35th-generation New Mexican." Her
campaign logo was a rendering of the sun, a yellow orb with bursts
of light from four sides, an ancient Zia Pueblo symbol that's also
on the state flag. In New Mexico, where 11 percent of the population
is native, it resonated.
On the stump and on Twitter
and in campaign ads, she started using a powerful refrain: "Congress
has never heard a voice like mine."
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Laguna
Pueblo in New Mexico.
EDUCATION IMAGES/UIG/GETTY
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The Laguna Pueblo
is a straight shot west from Albuquerque on Interstate 40, which
runs parallel to the old Route 66. Once you're out of the city,
which happens in a flash, there's virtually nothing on either side
of the highway, save great expanses of desert flecked with sagebrush
and stubby juniper trees. Flat-topped mesas rise up in the distance.
Just 45 minutes away from the city of nearly 600,000, the pueblo
feels like another world.
While Haaland grew up
in a military family and moved around the country as a kid, this
is where she spent much of her childhood. There wasn't any running
water, and when she was young, she would amble down to the spigot
in the middle of the village and fill two buckets to the brim. She'd
lug them back the 400 yards to her grandmother's one-room house,
so she and her siblings could drink or have a bath. There wasn't
electricity either, but they'd build a fire in the brick and clay
oven, where her grandmother taught her to bake. Other times, she'd
go down to the field with her grandfather and pick worms off ears
of corn.
Native Americans have
lived in this village in rural New Mexico for nearly a thousand
years. On a chilly Tuesday evening in August, Haaland, who's 57,
takes me on a tour. Her grandmother's house is still here. The spigot
is too. "I think that's where I learned to be very conservative
with water," she tells me. When you have to haul your own, you conserve.
Outsiders are viewed
with suspicion here. As we spoke during Newsweek's photoshoot off
the side of a two-lane road, three different people driving by stopped
to make sure we had the proper permissions to photograph on pueblo
land. At one point, a Laguna police officer, alerted by a watchful
resident, came to check that our papers were in order.
The distrust is understandable.
After the genocide of Native Americans at the hands of white settlers,
the U.S. government implemented policies designed to erase them.
There was Andrew Jackson's 1830 Indian Removal Act, which forced
tribes west and away from their land. Then there was the policy
of assimilation and 1887's Dawes Act, which aimed to destroy Native
American communities by dividing up tribal lands. Thousands of native
children were sent to boarding schools so they would learn Anglo-Saxon
culture, language and traditions. Many were forced to take "Christian"
names. (Haaland's great-grandfather was sent to Carlisle, an infamous
American Indian boarding school in Pennsylvania, and her grandmother
was sent to a similar program in Santa Fe.)
Through the policy of
termination, in the 1950s and 1960s, Congress declared that various
tribes would no longer receive federal recognition, and thus denied
them benefits and other social services. Native Americans weren't
granted citizenship until 1924 and were not able to vote in many
states for decades after. In New Mexicowhich argued that because
American Indians living on reservations did not pay property taxes,
they were ineligible to votethey gained the right only after
a veteran of World War II sued the state in 1948.
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New
Mexico was one of the last states to guarantee voting rights
for Native Americans. Until 1948, officials argued that because
American Indians living on reservations did not pay property
taxes, they were ineligible to vote.
BETTMANN/GETTY
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Policies that curtail
Native Americans' rights remain. According to the National Congress
of American Indians, just 66 percent of American Indians and Alaska
Natives are registered to vote. Though Latino registration is 57
percent, Native Americans' turnout rate is historically low, consistently
5 to 14 percentage points lower than other racial and ethnic groups.
That's partly because of unique obstacles to voting, including the
requirement of traditional street addresses. Polling places can
be far from rural reservations, with voters sometimes having to
travel hours to register or cast a ballot. Native Americans on one
Nevada reservation had to travel 270 miles roundtrip to get to the
closest polling place in 2016. That year, two tribes there sued
the secretary of state under the Voting Rights Act, and a U.S. district
judge ordered the establishment of satellite polling places on the
reservations.
In Utah's San Juan County,
Native Americans outnumber white residents. After years of gerrymandering
to give white voters disproportionate power, a federal judge redrew
the lines in December 2017. But earlier this year, officials kicked
a Navajo candidate running for county commissioner off the ballot,
alleging that he did not actually live in the state, even though
he had voted there for the past 20 years. (Willie Grayeyes's candidacy
was reinstated through a court order in August, and he won on Election
Day.) "When that's what you're up against, why would you run?" says
Natalie Landreth, a senior attorney at the Native American Rights
Fund. "The deck has been stacked against Native American candidates
forever."
Ben Nighthorse Campbell,
the first Native American senator, tells me that during his first
run for office in Colorado, some of his friends wondered why he'd
be interested in joining the government of a country that took everything
from his people. "People don't trust the government," says 29-year-old
Jade Bahr, a citizen of the Northern Cheyenne tribe who won a race
for state representative in Montana. "They don't think that voting
is going to do anything."
Life in Indian Country
is very different from outside of it. "On a reservation, you grow
up with a different lifestyle," says Democrat Paulette Jordan, 38,
a citizen of the Coeur d'Alene tribe who ran an unsuccessful campaign
for governor of Idaho this year. It's a culture focused on listening,
on respect for elders, on living harmoniously and, across many tribes,
on coming to consensus. Those values aren't easily found in today's
political climate.
It's a tangible separation
too. The more than 500 federally recognized American Indian tribes
are sovereign nations, which means Native Americans are, technically,
dual citizens. Each sovereignty has a government-to-government relationship
with the United States. Preserving and strengthening that status
is a central goal for Native Americans, and there's a fear that
participating in nontribal elections puts it at risk.
Will the federal government
revive its termination policies, asked Native American author Jerry
Stubben in 2006, if officials see Native Americans as "so assimilated
that their own governing structures and institutions are no longer
necessary"?
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Deb
Haaland's family.
COURTESY OF DEB HAALAND
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Haaland talks slowly
and softly, at times with an almost singsong lilt. She has a
square face with deep dimples in both cheeks that linger even when
she furrows her brow. Though her long black hair takes forever to
blow dry, she doubts she'll ever cut it because of its native symbolism,
to dark clouds: "You want to keep your hair long," she tells me,
"so that the rain will come."
Her mother is Laguna,
and her father, who died in 2005, was Norwegian-American. "My mother
still raised us in a pueblo household," she tells me. "In spite
of the fact that we moved around a lot, we still kept those strong
ties to my grandparents and our community of Laguna Pueblo. You
can be native wherever you are."
We've settled at a café
near the University of New Mexico campus. Haaland tells me that
politics was not a big part of her early life. Her dad fought in
Vietnam for two years, and the family had a small black-and-white
TV in the kitchen and would watch for news of the war over dinner,
but that was the only mention of current affairs. Her parents, both
registered Republicans, supported Ronald Reagan in 1980. Haaland
was finally old enough to vote, and she followed her parents. After
learning more about Reagannamely, that he was what she calls
a "warmonger"she switched her party registration to Democrat
and vowed to do her own candidate research from then on.
After high school, she
worked at a bakery in Albuquerque, working the register and decorating
cakes. When she was 28, braiding her hair one day before her shift,
she had a moment of clarity. "I was like, 'Am I going to be doing
this for the rest of my life?'" Neither of her parents went to college,
and she didn't know what she needed to do to get there. A family
friend at the Bureau of Indian Affairs helped her apply to the University
of New Mexico. She got pregnant during her senior year, and by the
time she graduated with an English degree, she was nine months along,
her cherry-red gown tight against her belly. Four days later, she
gave birth to her daughter, Somah.
Haaland started a salsa
company, Pueblo Salsa, and traveled all around the Southwest to
sell her goods at state fairs and fiery food conventions. As a single
mom, she brought Somah with her everywhere, blasting Alanis Morissette's
Jagged Little Pill from the car stereo. In between road trips, she
stayed current on politics. In 2002, when voters on the Lakota Indian
reservation turned a tight race for a South Dakota Senate seatincumbent
Democrat Tim Johnson won re-election by just 528 votesshe
was blown away. "That really inspired me," she says. "Indians decided
between a Democrat and a Republican in this state. And that impressed
me deeply."
In law school at the
University of New Mexico, in 2004, one of her classmates flipped
open his laptop to reveal a red-white-and-blue John Kerry bumper
sticker. She asked him how she could get involved, and she started
volunteering in Kerry's Albuquerque field office. A few years later,
her former constitutional law professor was recruiting for a women's
candidate training program called Emerge New Mexico and asked her
to apply. She had never even thought of running for office. "I just
had the inkling to trust her, trust her judgment," Haaland tells
me. "If I was left up to my own devices, I may not have thought
of it." She graduated from the program in 2007 and soon volunteered
full-time for Barack Obama's presidential campaign, taking carloads
of people out to the pueblos to canvass. During his re-election
campaign, she became Obama's Native American vote director for the
state. Haaland ran for lieutenant governor two years later (her
mom became a Democrat so she could vote for her in the primary)
and, though she lost the general election by 14 points, she became
chair of the state Democratic Party in 2015.
Throughout, she worked
to register Native American voters, going to fairs and parades and
rodeos to sign people up. Laguna isn't in her congressional district,
but two American Indian communities are, and during her campaign
she assigned volunteers to actively court those voters. She didn't
set out to put her Native American identity, the historic nature
of her candidacy, front and center. But as she started doing more
interviews, that's what everyone wanted to talk about. She shrugs.
"It's who I am," she says. Why not lean into it?
We're eating sopaipillas
smothered with honey and New Mexico's ubiquitous green chile, which
goes on everything from tacos to cheeseburgers. She takes a bite.
"I think people, above all, want to know that they're being represented
by somebody who understands what it's like to be them."
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Sharice
Davids, a Democrat and a member of the Ho-Chunk Nation, celebrates
onstage with supporters during an election night party on
November 6. She defeated incumbent Republican Kevin Yoder
in Kansas's 3rd Congressional District.
WHITNEY CURTIS/GETTY
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There's some debate
over who the first Native American man to serve in Congress was,
mostly because assimilation efforts meant that many people had some
amount of American Indian ancestry. Richard Cain, a South Carolina
abolitionist who was first elected to Congress in 1873, was the
son of an African-born father and Cherokee Indian mother. Charles
Curtis, a congressman and senator from Kansas who eventually became
Herbert Hoover's vice president, was half Native American and grew
up on the Kaw reservation. There have been a handful of other Native
American men to serve in Congress. Today, the only two currently
serving are both Republicans from Oklahoma.
"A lot of the role I
end up playing is educating other members," says Tom Cole, a citizen
of the Chickasaw Nation who has represented Oklahoma's 4th Congressional
District since 2003. Many of his peers don't understand Native American
issues or the federal government's responsibility to tribes. Most
of what he deals with, he explains, boils down to tribal sovereignty
and a doctrine known as trust responsibility, which stipulates that
the property of Native Americans is under the charge of the United
States. That responsibility, a fundamental tenet of relations with
American Indian tribes, requires the federal government to protect
and enhance the property and resources of Native Americans. But
because the doctrine is not codified in any single document, "the
federal government has to be re-educated every generation on this,"
Cole tells me. "It's a never-ending battle."
Like other minorities,
when native voices aren't represented in policymaking, their issues
aren't heard, and their communities often suffer.
The opioid crisis, for
instance, has ravaged the nation as a wholebut it has particularly
devastated Native American communities, where overprescribing has
filled in for inadequate health care. Between 1999 and 2015, Native
Americans and Alaska Natives saw a fivefold increase in overdose
deaths, a higher increase than any other group, according to Senate
testimony from the chief medical officer at the U.S. Indian Health
Service. At least 20 tribes are suing opioid manufacturers and distributors,
alleging that the firms aggressively marketed the drugs and shipped
large volumes of painkillers to areas near reservations.
Nearly 12 percent of
Native Americans die of alcohol-related causes, more than three
times the percentage for the general population. At some point in
Haaland's youthshe doesn't remember exactly whenshe
started drinking, finally getting sober in her mid-20s. In an ad
for her campaign, in between declaring herself a champion for kids
and broadcasting her support for affordable health care, she mentioned
that she is 30 years sober. "That is something that I want people
to know about me," she tells me. "That I know what it's like." This
experience is, in part, why she's pledged more resources for recovery
services, as well as Medicare for all.
Native American women
are also more vulnerable to violence. Hundreds have gone missing
across the country; at the end of last year, the FBI had 633 open
missing person cases for Native American women. A 2016 Department
of Justice study showed that 84 percent of American Indian women
have experienced violence, and 56 percent have endured sexual violence.
Savanna LaFontaine-Greywind,
a 22-year-old in Fargo, North Dakota, was eight months pregnant
when she went missing last August. Her body was eventually found
in a nearby river, while her baby was found in the apartment of
her killer after it had been cut out of her mother's womb. The story
was a major reason why Minnesota state Representative Peggy Flanagan
decided to run for lieutenant governor. A Democrat, she won her
race on Tuesday. Flanagan, a citizen of the White Earth Nation band
of Ojibwe Indians, says LaFontaine-Greywind was well-known in native
communities but virtually ignored by most mainstream media outlets.
"At best, we are invisible," she says. "At worst, we are disposable."
Many of the Native American
candidates I talked to spoke of their culture's deep respect for
the environment as an influence on their politics. Andria Tupola,
a Republican who fell short in her campaign for governor of Hawaii
this year, tells me her Native Hawaiian background has made her
more environmentally aware. In Hawaiian, "malama 'aina"to
care for the landis a central value. "The ways that we make
policy about our land, or the use of it, can affect generations,"
Tupola, who's 37, says.
In Congress, Haaland
says she will champion renewable energy and affordable health care
and advocate for American Indian issues. But that advocacy will
also include celebrating tribes' successes, like new business openings
or thriving schools. According to a June report from the First Nations
Development Institute, "the most persistent and toxic negative narrative
is the myth that many Native Americans receive government benefits
and are getting rich off casinos."
Non-natives also associate
poverty and alcoholism with American Indian tribes. "We have a lot
of good stories to tell too," Haaland tells me. "And I think people
should know about them."
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President
Donald Trump speaks during an event honoring members of the
Native American code talkers in the Oval Office on November
27, 2017. In the background, a picture of former President
Andrew Jackson, whose Indian Removal Act kicked off the Trail
of Tears.
OLIVER CONTRERAS/POOL/GETTY
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To some extent, the
record number of Native American women running is a part of the
larger women-led resistance to Trump. But the president's harsh
treatment of the native population, in his business career and in
the White House, provided extra motivation. In a 1993 congressional
hearing on American Indian gaming, he said members of a federally
recognized Connecticut tribe "don't look like Indians to me." In
2000, he waged an extensive ad campaign against American Indian
casinos, accusing Native Americans of rampant drug use and mob ties.
He's taunted Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warrenwho claims,
with scant evidence, that she's part Native Americanas "Pocahontas,"
which many Native Americans consider a racial slur. He held an event
honoring Navajo code talkers who served in World War II in front
of a portrait of Andrew Jackson, whose Indian Removal Act kicked
off the Trail of Tears.
Trump's administration
has sought to limit Native Americans' access to Medicaid. It also
shrank Utah's Bears Ears National Monument, which contains sacred
Native American sites, so the land could be developed for mining
and drilling. Haaland, who ran in a heavily Democratic district,
made opposition to the president a touchstone of her campaign, branding
herself "Donald Trump's worst nightmare." She tells me that "he
needs an Indian 101. I don't think he understands anything about
tribes."
The infusion of cash
from casino gambling has also been a factor in the number of Native
Americans running for office. Thanks to the 1988 Indian Gaming Regulatory
Act, tribes have the resources to help fund political pursuits.
"Being in politics requires money and funding," says Richard Bernal,
the governor of Sandia Pueblo, which is just north of Albuquerque.
"The support is there for the tribes now."
But it's also the fruits
of years of organizing. In 2015, South Dakota state Representative
Kevin Killer co-founded Advance Native Political Leadership with
Flanagan and two others after being frustrated that Native American
voices were being left out of the political conversation. "We need
to make sure that we're represented at every single level," Killer,
who's 39 and now a state senator, says. "Not only the candidates,
but also campaign managers, field organizers, fundraising directors."
In September, the group held its inaugural Native Power-Building
Summit, in Albuquerque, which featured workshops and trainings ranging
from how to finance a campaign to how to get a political message
out.
"It's been slowly building,"
Killer tells me. South Dakota didn't repeal its state law denying
American Indians the right to vote until 1951, and even after that,
other legal restrictions kept them from voting in some county elections
until as late as 1980. That was Killer's grandparents' generation.
"Then our parents have the wherewithal to actually say, 'OK, maybe
we should vote, or maybe we should talk about politics.' So they
start voting, and then they impart it to us." His generation is
taking the next step: running for office.
Last year, in New Mexico,
Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver started a Native American
Voting Task Force to increase voter registration and turnout among
American Indian communities. The group, which does not have any
state funding, has put on informal voter registration drives in
pueblos and American Indian communities across the state, and this
year issued the state's first Native American voting guide, which
includes information on native language interpreters at polling
places. In August, 69,000 Native Americans were registered to vote
in the state, according to a spokesman for the secretary of state.
(It's hard to know what percentage that represents because the state
doesn't have firm data on the eligible voting population of the
community.)
Such advances have, like
many 2018 campaigns with a minority candidate, been met with racial
challenges. Because Haaland's father was white, she's had people
questioning her decision to put her Native American identity at
the forefront of her campaign. In September, her opponent, Republican
Janice Arnold-Jones, drew criticism for casting doubt on Haaland's
history-making potential. "There's no doubt that her lineage is
Laguna, but she is a military brat, just like I am," Arnold-Jones
said in an interview with Fox News. "I think it evokes images that
she was raised on a reservation." And recently, on her campaign
Facebook page, someone asked why she's denying her Norwegian heritage.
"I'm like, 'I'm not denying it.' My last name is Haaland, for God's
sake," she says. "That's Norwegian."
"I am who I am," Haaland
adds. "I choose to identify as Native American. That's who I am.
That's the culture I'm closest to because my mom and my grandmother
taught me so much."
On a hazy Wednesday evening
in August, I drive to the Indian Pueblo Cultural Center in Albuquerque,
where Haaland is hosting a fundraiser with tribal leaders from various
pueblos. As I make my way around the room, the most common refrain
I hear is some variation of: After years of being left out of the
conversation, we're finally being seen.
When I ask Ricardo Campos,
a 65-year-old Native American who lives in Albuquerque, what Haaland's
candidacy means to him, he clasps his hands together and looks at
me. "It's a long time coming," he tells me, tears running down his
face. Kevin Beltran, a 25-year-old citizen of the Zuni Pueblo, says
that her ascent to Congress gives Native Americans "an opportunity
to be heard." Ray Loretto, the former governor of Jemez Pueblo,
tells me, "We haven't been quite on the map. I hope our voice can
be carried all the way to Washington."
Lynn Toledo, a cousin
of Haaland's, works for the Jemez Pueblo. We chat for a few minutes
casually, and she tells me Haaland can help Native Americans because
she understands what life is like for them. Suddenly, she bursts
into tears. "It really did hit me," she says, her voice dropping
to a whisper. "We're not forgotten. We're still here."
As she weeps, the rain
starts to pour feverishly outside, pooling on the balcony and obscuring
the view of the Sandia Mountains. Lightning flashes in the distance.
She turns away from the people milling around the room and toward
the floor-to-ceiling windows overlooking the city. "The Earth is
crying too."
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